Power (social and political) - Wikipedia
Relationship power is not just a general idea, it can relate to specific of being in a specific relationship, help define what power looks like in. Power is a thing that is held, coveted, seized, taken away, lost, or stolen, and it is used in what are essentially adversarial relationships. power relationships definition, meaning, English dictionary, synonym, see also ' power',air power',atomic power',Black Power', Reverso dictionary, English.
Extensive use of coercive power is rarely appropriate in an organizational setting, and relying on these forms of power alone will result in a very cold, impoverished style of leadership. This is a type of power is commonly seen in fashion industry by coupling with legitimate power, it is referred in the industry specific literature's as "glamorization of structural domination and exploitation.
Guerrero and Peter A. Andersen in "Close encounters: Power is a perception in a sense that some people can have objective power, but still have trouble influencing others. People who use power cues and act powerfully and proactively tend to be perceived as powerful by others. Some people become influential even though they don't overtly use powerful behavior. Power as a Relational Concept: Power exists in relationships.
The issue here is often how much relative power a person has in comparison to one's partner. Partners in close and satisfying relationships often influence each other at different times in various arenas.
Power as Resource Based: Power usually represents a struggle over resources. The more scarce and valued resources are, the more intense and protracted are power struggles. The scarcity hypothesis indicates that people have the most power when the resources they possess are hard to come by or are in high demand. However, scarce resource leads to power only if it's valued within a relationship. The person with less to lose has greater power in the relationship. Dependence power indicates that those who are dependent on their relationship or partner are less powerful, especially if they know their partner is uncommitted and might leave them.
According to interdependence theory, quality of alternatives refers to the types of relationships and opportunities people could have if they were not in their current relationship. The principle of least interest suggests that if a difference exists in the intensity of positive feelings between partners, the partner who feels the most positive is at a power disadvantage.
There's an inverse relationship between interest in relationship and the degree of relational power. Power as Enabling or Disabling: Power can be enabling or disabling. Research[ citation needed ] has been shown that people are more likely to have an enduring influence on others when they engage in dominant behavior that reflects social skill rather than intimidation. People who communicate through self-confidence and expressive, composed behavior tend to be successful in achieving their goals and maintaining good relationships.
Power can be disabling when it leads to destructive patterns of communication. This can lead to the chilling effect where the less powerful person often hesitates to communicate dissatisfaction, and the demand withdrawal pattern which is when one person makes demands and the other becomes defensive and withdraws mawasha, Both effects have negative consequences for relational satisfaction. Power as a Prerogative: The prerogative principle states that the partner with more power can make and break the rules.
Powerful people can violate norms, break relational rules, and manage interactions without as much penalty as powerless people. These actions may reinforce the powerful person's dependence power. In addition, the more powerful person has the prerogative to manage both verbal and nonverbal interactions.
They can initiate conversations, change topics, interrupt others, initiate touch, and end discussions more easily than less powerful people. See expressions of dominance. Rational choice framework[ edit ] Game theorywith its foundations in the Walrasian theory of rational choiceis increasingly used in various disciplines to help analyze power relationships.
One rational choice definition of power is given by Keith Dowding in his book Power. In rational choice theory, human individuals or groups can be modelled as 'actors' who choose from a 'choice set' of possible actions in order to try to achieve desired outcomes.
An actor's 'incentive structure' comprises its beliefs about the costs associated with different actions in the choice set, and the likelihoods that different actions will lead to desired outcomes.
In this setting we can differentiate between: This framework can be used to model a wide range of social interactions where actors have the ability to exert power over others. For example, a 'powerful' actor can take options away from another's choice set; can change the relative costs of actions; can change the likelihood that a given action will lead to a given outcome; or might simply change the other's beliefs about its incentive structure.
As with other models of power, this framework is neutral as to the use of 'coercion'. Cultural hegemony[ edit ] In the Marxist tradition, the Italian writer Antonio Gramsci elaborated the role of ideology in creating a cultural hegemonywhich becomes a means of bolstering the power of capitalism and of the nation-state.
The back end, the beast, represented the more classic, material image of power, power through coercion, through brute force, be it physical or economic. But the capitalist hegemony, he argued, depended even more strongly on the front end, the human face, which projected power through 'consent'. In Russia, this power was lacking, allowing for a revolution. However, in Western Europe, specifically in Italycapitalism had succeeded in exercising consensual power, convincing the working classes that their interests were the same as those of capitalists.
In this way revolution had been avoided. While Gramsci stresses the significance of ideology in power structures, Marxist-feminist writers such as Michele Barrett stress the role of ideologies in extolling the virtues of family life.
The classic argument to illustrate this point of view is the use of women as a ' reserve army of labour '. In wartime it is accepted that women perform masculine tasks, while after the war the roles are easily reversed. Therefore, according to Barrett, the destruction of capitalist economic relations is necessary but not sufficient for the liberation of women.
He shows that power over an individual can be amplified by the presence of a group. If the group conforms to the leader's commands, the leader's power over an individual is greatly enhanced while if the group does not conform the leader's power over an individual is nil. Foucault[ edit ] For Michel Foucaultthe real power will always rely on the ignorance of its agents.
power relationships definition | English definition dictionary | Reverso
No single human, group nor single actor runs the dispositif machine or apparatus but power is dispersed through the apparatus as efficiently and silently as possible, ensuring its agents to do whatever is necessary. It is because of this action that power is unlikely to be detected that it remains elusive to 'rational' investigation. This milieu both artificial and natural appears as a target of intervention for power according to Foucault which is radically different from the previous notions on sovereignty, territory and disciplinary space inter woven into from a social and political relations which function as a species biological species.
He writes, "A body is docile that may be subjected, used, transformed and improved. Instead of using corporeal punishment in order to convince people to adhere to the laws of the day, Foucault says power becomes internalized during this period.
Instead of watching someone be drawn and quartered in a public space, political power is exerted on individuals in a way that compels them to obey laws and rules on their own - without this show of force. This study should lead to an interest in the problem of multiple positions one person can occupy, for example, a high position in the hierarchy of governmen agents and also distinguish himself by his subversive activitiesas well as in the role played by certain individuals who have to arbitrate between different spheres.
In order to affirm his identity, the individual generally uses a coded language of which he is only partially the inventor. The markers of individual identity maintain a close link between collective mentalities and cultural phenomena. This is the way in which, for example, an individual in a tribal society in the Muslim Mediterranean region will define himself, more willingly, in reference to his lineage, compared to an individual in an urban society who will have left his tribal roots behind.
The individual identity also depends a lot upon the way in which it is perceived by others. Just as human groups are defined in relation to, and often in contrast to, the different groups with which they mix, so too must the individual, in order to exist, be manifested in the men and women who surround him. Finally, the 'imposed' identity has to be taken into consideration.
This 'imposed' identity is that which, for example, is close to the identity model proposed by the central political power, or that which develops in the wake of conversion to a dominant religion, or even the identity which the individual is forced to adopt if he wishes to escape from the harassment to which he may be exposed if it is noticed that he is different.
One of the aims of our study should be to outline these 'identity models' imposed by society or by people in power, and to see to what extent the individual appropriates them or submits to them.
Naturally we will also have to take an interest in the phenomena of rejection, whether it concerns openly contesting the proposed model, keeping, along with a public identity, a secret identity to which only a limited number of people have access, or even taking on alternately different identities, depending on the circumstances.
In order to understand an individual's identity, to situate him in his social environment and to determine his position as regards the networks of power which cross society, we can examine a series of markers. In the framework of our study, we will show a particular interest in the following elements: Each person is identified, at first, by his surname.
This surname has, almost always, in itself a meaning. It may exalt the piety of the person, or even his strength, his moral courage, his wealth, his bravery etc. The name has a patronymic name and a list of genealogical references, and is also used to relate the individual to his family, and if the case arises, to his tribe. The surname, which is completed by one or two first names, enables one to identify the individual more precisely and to underline one or several characteristics of his personality.
The name given to an individual, or even the name which he gives himself, is often enough to position him on the power ladder. This places the individual in relation to his real or imagined roots.
We will be more interested in genealogies where one can presume that they incorporate a number of whimsical elements, to an extent where they enable us to understand lines of descent and the values linked to the exercise of power, or more modestly, to social prestige.
In the case of real genealogies, it would be enough, without doubt, to analyse the links which are considered as being the most significant. These are not always the oldest or the most direct links.
ISMM Power relationships
These can be extremely elaborate - especially when dealing with a sovereign or someone who holds local political power - as they can he reduced to one word such as el-hacc, efendi, etc. In all cases, however, the titles are very important indications of which place is occupied or claimed by the individuals in the power network. They also indicate sources of authority and prestige, whether this means referring to spiritual values el-hacc Contrarily they can also point to the humility of the subject to power, this humility being real, but also often a pretence.
In order to indicate their position as regards authority individuals have a series of symbolic tools: From the reign of Mahmud II there was also, in the Ottoman Empire, a proliferation of all types of medals and decorations. Humility has, in the same way, its own distinctive signs - homespun garments, clothes of certain colours etc.
One of the questions which arises in relation to these symbols concerns finding out how they were used to mobilise people, to indicate belonging, to change or manipulate mentalities, or to indicate social, ethnic and religious divisions. One could be interested in them, more simply, for what they say about the symbols of power or the absence of power.
Finally, they will have to be studied as markers of the place occupied by individuals in society and on the power ladder. In order to affirm his identity and to occupy, with dignity, the place which he believes is rightfully his in the power network, the individual also endeavours, in so much as is possible, to mark his territory.
Power (social and political)
This may simply mean building a nice house for his family, or building palaces, religious buildings, fountains, hospitals, gardens, etc. The buildings constructed in this manner generally carry a message. Donating a mosque to the community does not have the same meaning as giving the community access to a clock tower. They also give an image which the initiator of the work wants to give of himself.Tony Robbins 2018 - Power Of Relationships Part 1 - Tony Robbins Motivation
One of the aims of our study could be to interpret this territory - domestic territory as well as public territory - in the light of our central investigation which is the individual and his relationship with society and power.